As the recent Commission on Representation of the Interests of the British Jewish Community made clear, the United Kingdom is composed of a number of different religious, social and cultural Jewish groupings that sometimes have very different takes on Judaism.(1) Paradoxically, as the Jewish population has become smaller in recent decades, its institutional and individual diversity has grown.

Approximately 70 per cent of British Jews are formally linked to a synagogue through personal or family membership, with affiliations distributed as follows:

61 per cent belong to central Orthodox synagogues (Ashkenazi and Sephardi);
27 per cent belong to the Progressive sector of Reform and Liberal synagogues;
10 per cent belong to strictly Orthodox (Haredi) synagogues;
2 per cent belong to Masorti (Conservative) synagogues.(2)

Nevertheless, synagogue membership is not necessarily a precise indicator of religious observance. Overall, one in every three British Jews (31 per cent) thinks of him- or herself as a 'traditional Jew'. Another 26 per cent consider themselves to be 'secular', 18 per cent 'just Jewish', 15 per cent Progressive and 9 per cent 'strictly Orthodox'.(3)

While the UK Jewish population overall has declined over the past half-century, the strictly Orthodox community has shown the greatest growth: in 1998, more than 21 per cent of synagogue marriages were under strictly Orthodox auspices.(4) In 1992 there were 5,330 pupils attending strictly Orthodox schools and nurseries; in 1999 this figure was 10,090.(5)

Geographically, Jews live everywhere in the United Kingdom, from Aberdeen to Belfast, Cardiff to Margate. Nevertheless, they have tended historically to congregate in particular places, with around 210,000 Jews living in Greater London and the surrounding Home Counties (over 70 per cent of the total UK Jewish population) and 30,000 living in Greater Manchester (10 per cent). Other centres of Jewish population include Leeds (8,000), Glasgow (6,000), Brighton and Hove (8,000), Birmingham (3,000) and Liverpool (3,000). Of those Jews living in London, 50,000 live in the borough of Barnet, 18,000 in Hackney and 16,000 in Redbridge.(6)

In terms of socio-economic status, British Jews tend to be above average, with a high proportion of university graduates. In regard to occupational profile, 54 per cent of men and 50 per cent of women are in professional occupations, with only 6 per cent of men and 2 per cent of women in manual jobs.(7)

Profile of UK Jewish parents

The Community Research Unit of the Board of Deputies has collected data showing that, of those children attending a Jewish day school or nursery in 1999, 2.3 per cent attended Progressive schools, 53.1 per cent central Orthodox schools and 44.6 per cent strictly Orthodox (Haredi) schools.(8) These figures characterize attendance at Jewish day schools from an institutional perspective. However, findings from the 1995 JPR social and political attitudes survey construct a profile of UK Jewish parents from the point of view of the users, including the attitudes and beliefs of those with children attending Jewish day schools.

The data from the 1995 survey show how religious practice is a key predictor of whether or not parents choose to send their children to Jewish day schools.(9) When the 464 respondents with children aged between 5 and 20 years were asked to define their religious practice, only 7 per cent of 'secular' Jews said they sent their eldest child to a Jewish day school, whereas 96 per cent of those who were 'strictly Orthodox' did so (see Table 3.1).

Table 3.1 Percentage of parents with school-age children who sent their eldest child to a Jewish day school according to Jewish identity (n=464)

Jewish identity category	Percentage of category who sent their eldest child to a Jewish day school
Secular	7
Just Jewish	22
Progressive	9
Traditional	49
Strictly Orthodox	96

When parents of children attending (or who recently attended) Jewish day schools were asked to describe their feelings about being Jewish, over 90 per cent of respondents were strongly or extremely conscious of feeling Jewish (see Table 3.2).

Table 3.2 Jewish day school parents' feelings about being Jewish (n=179)

Feelings about being Jewish	Percentage of Jewish day school parents
Although I was born Jewish, I do not think of myself as being Jewish in any way	0
I am aware of my Jewishness, but I do not think about it very often	5
I feel quite strongly Jewish, but I am equally conscious of other aspects of my life	32
I feel extremely conscious of being Jewish and it is very important to me	63
Total	100

The 1995 survey also shows that 91 per cent of Jewish day school parents fast on Yom Kippur (Day of Atonement), with the same percentage stating that they also prefer to stay home on Friday nights. Nevertheless, only 53 per cent stated that they refrain from driving on the Sabbath, and only 42 per cent of Jewish day school parents attend synagogue most Sabbaths (see Table 3.3).

Table 3.3 Pattern of attendance at synagogue over the past year for Jewish day school parents (n=179)

Attendance at synagogue over the past year	Percentage of Jewish day school parents
Not at all	5
Once or twice	6
On a few occasions (e.g. festivals, Yahrzeit)	30
About once a month	17
Most Sabbaths or more often	42
Total	100

When asked their views on the statement that 'belief in God is NOT central to being a good Jew', 31 per cent agreed, 10 per cent were unsure and 59 per cent disagreed.

Overall, these figures show how those who define themselves as 'traditional' or 'strictly Orthodox' are much more likely to choose to send their children to a Jewish day school than 'secular' Jews. This explains why strictly Orthodox Jews--who make up 10 per cent of British Jews--nevertheless account for 43 per cent of all those respondents who sent their eldest child to a Jewish day school. Moreover, the statistics show that, while around half of Jewish day school parents observe the Sabbath, the remaining half 'feel' strongly Jewish but nevertheless are less likely to attend religious services or refrain from driving on that day. The large number of children from non-Sabbath-observant homes presents a challenge to the prevailing ethos of the mainly Orthodox Jewish day schools.

The control of Jewish day schools

Historically, Jewish day schools have developed through the actions and philosophies of key communal leaders, educational organizations and wealthy philanthropists. After the Second World War, key communal figures such as J. H. Hertz, Immanuel Jakobovits and Solomon Schonfeld helped develop a network of schools that were under Orthodox auspices, with Orthodox admissions criteria and religious ethos (see Chapter 1). The Zionist Federation Educational Trust (now the Scopus Jewish Educational Trust) helped to establish and support a network of fifteen schools with a Zionist focus.

Other key educational organizations provide ongoing financial and practical support for schools, including the Agency for Jewish Education (AJE), which is a United Synagogue, central Orthodox organization; the Centre for Jewish Education (CJE), which serves the Progressive communities; and the UJIA, which is cross-communal.

The organizations, foundations and individuals who provide the funds to establish and then maintain schools obviously have a huge impact on the institutional ethos and broad admissions criteria. As such, a voluntary-aided school like the Hasmonean High School (sponsored by JSSM), can write the following ethos statement in its prospectus:

The ethos of the school is based unambiguously on the principles of Orthodox Judaism. At the core of those principles is a recognition that both the written and Oral Torah are Divine. The principles are enshrined in the Shulchan Aruch, the Code of Jewish Law, and its commentaries, which delineate the laws, customs and values of an orthodox Jewish lifestyle. It is the school's aim to educate boys and girls to conduct themselves in strict adherence to the Orthodox Jewish lifestyle throughout their lives.(10)

The ethos and approach of voluntary-aided Jewish day schools are also determined--within the confines, of course, of government regulations--by headteachers, trustees and governing bodies. Again, to take Hasmonean as an example, the trustees of this school's movement are appointed by the rabbis of three local strictly Orthodox synagogues, who in turn appoint the foundation governors, who together with the headteacher, two LEA-appointed governors, three parent-elected governors, two teacher-elected governors and the staff governor form the governing body. Even though the state pays for the running costs of such schools (and 85 per cent of capital costs), voluntary-aided status provides the governing body with prime responsibility for employing the school's staff and for admissions criteria.

With the exception of parent-elected governors, the style, running and ethos of Jewish voluntary day schools--and even more so for independent schools--are determined by a 'top-down' approach. Parents, by and large, are expected to choose or reject schools on the basis of what communal leaders and key funders have determined for them. Such issues raise questions about the market and need for alternative models of providing Jewish day school education (see Chapter 10).

The system (or systems) of Jewish day school education

Figure 3.1 shows the place of primary and secondary Jewish day schools in an overall conceptualization of the UK 'system' of Jewish education. The left column of the model indicates some of the key characteristics of Jewish day schools, such as academic standards, ethos and geographical location. The rest of the model shows possible ways that people may make use of the services being provided. For example, parents can choose--often, of course, in conjunction with their children--to send their offspring to Jewish schools at nursery, primary or secondary level, possibly continuing on this educational pathway to take up Jewish courses at university or adult education centres, or else to leave the system at any particular point.

the place of primary and secondary jewish day schools

Alternatively, children may attend non-Jewish schools, in which there may be very few other Jews or large numbers of other Jews. Indeed, a number of non-Jewish schools in the United Kingdom offer planned Jewish activities for children through a scheme, sponsored by the UJIA and the Association of Jewish Sixth Formers (AJ6), called Jewish Activities in Mainstream Schools (JAMS).(11) The JAMS programme in the south-east of England operates in 29 secondary schools with an estimated 4,650 Jewish pupils. Three-quarters of these schools select their pupils on the basis of academic ability, the majority of which are fee-paying ISC institutions; this helps to explain the high achievements of pupils in these schools as reported in Chapter 4.

Another option is for children to attend part-time, supplementary Jewish schools (chadarim), Jewish youth clubs or organized activities such as the Israel Experience tours. Children or teenagers may attend such alternative forms of Jewish education as either an addition or an alternative to formal Jewish day school education. Overall, the model shows how parents, pupils or students are able to interact with the 'system' of Jewish education, choosing or rejecting the available options according to their particular beliefs, ideologies and evaluations of the quality of services being offered. Nonetheless, this model is complicated by a range of other factors that make up the matrix of possible parental choices.

The myth of choice

The presence of 135 Jewish day schools in the United Kingdom suggests a wide range of options for parents wanting to educate their children in a Jewish environment. The reality, however, is somewhat different.(12) While parents can choose to take up or reject different types of Jewish schooling, they also have to consider a variety of other factors. Some of these factors relate to general educational choices faced by parents, while others are uniquely Jewish, such as whether parents prefer school provision to be Progressive, central Orthodox or strictly Orthodox (see Figure 3.2).

Possible day school choices

General entrance barriers to Jewish day schools

Day school education is generally provided at the local level. If places are available to parents at Jewish secondary schools in Manchester, this is of little use to Jews living in, say, Glasgow or Birmingham unless they are willing to relocate. While parents may be willing for their children to travel relatively small distances to attend a good school, there are obviously limitations as to how far they are willing to send them (although a small number of Jewish parents from Sheffield and Leeds do send their children to schools in Manchester). Many of the small regional communities have no Jewish schools at all, and even a community such as Glasgow--which used to be the third largest Jewish community in the United Kingdom--has only one state-sector primary school. The relationship between the centres of Jewish population and the institutional provision of school education is thus extremely important (see Figure 3.3 (13)).

Figure 3.3 shows that the majority of Jewish primary and secondary schools are located in London and Manchester. In London, the highest concentration of schools is in the London borough of Hackney, which has a large strictly Orthodox population located in and around Stamford Hill. There are also a number of schools in north-west London, especially in Barnet, the London borough with the highest number of Jews. Schools are also to be found in Redbridge, Enfield, Brent, Camden (the current site of JFS) and Hertfordshire. Note that, despite some 30,000 Jews living in south London, there are currently no Jewish primary or secondary schools there. In Manchester, most of the schools are located in the strictly Orthodox area of Broughton Park, to the north of the city centre. Outside London and Manchester, the only other cities with more than one school are Liverpool, which has the King David primary and secondary schools, and Gateshead, which has a thriving strictly Orthodox community and three Jewish day schools.

A second, but related, potential barrier is the provision of places. If schools are over-subscribed, then the presence of suitable institutions that are geographically close to parents will be of little use to anyone who cannot gain entry. This parallels the situation in the wider UK state-school system in which property prices increase in areas where there are schools with good academic results, potentially pricing out less well-off parents. (Problems of provision of places are specifically addressed in Chapter 6.)

A third issue is cost. Selective independent schools--ones that choose pupils on the basis of academic ability--normally charge parents upwards of £6,000 a year, which is outside the price range of many. For families in which there is more than one child, the costs of private education--which, note, are not subject to tax concessions--will obviously be much more burdensome. Many schools offer scholarships to children from families who would not otherwise be able to afford places, but questions of cost are still important. Note that even Jewish state schools ask for moneys towards the 'Jewish' aspects of education (see Chapter 2), although these contributions are voluntary.

Finally, there are general selection criteria to consider. To take JFS as an example, in addition to religious criteria (see below), the school states that it ideally recruits pupils from across the range of academic abilities, with pupils classed as being in one of four grades. This system is designed to be in keeping with the school's comprehensive, co-educational ethos. However, if the school is over-subscribed, the following criteria are applied to decide which children from the four grades to admit:

Siblings are present at the school
Applicants have attended Jewish primary schools
Other siblings have been former students at JFS
Ultimately, places will be allocated in proportion to the number of applicants still remaining unplaced from each Local Education Authority, with the final priority being given to those living closest to the school.(14)

In areas where schools are over-subscribed--a problem for popular schools across the UK educational system, not just in the 'Jewish sector'--parents may face major difficulties in gaining places for their children.

Jewish entrance barriers to Jewish day schools

Most UK Jewish schools are sponsored and controlled by Orthodox religious authorities that operate halachic (according to Jewish religious law) selection criteria, according to which only pupils they consider 'Jewish' are accepted. These schools will only accept children whose mothers were born Jewish or else who converted under the auspices of Orthodox authorities. This policy excludes the attendance of children whose mothers converted under the auspices of Progressive movements. Children who come from a converted maternal Progressive background and are actively practising Jews would, therefore, have their applications for places turned down by default, while non-practising Jews whose mothers are considered Jewish by Orthodox authorities would be considered acceptable. To gain a place at such schools, a copy of the parents' ketubah (Jewish marriage certificate) may be required.

In order to be admitted to the School, a child must be Jewish according to the Halachah (Orthodox Jewish Law). In the event of any dispute as to whether a child is Jewish, the authority of the Chief Rabbi of the United Hebrew Congregations of the British Commonwealth is final . . . Applications must be submitted on the prescribed form and accompanied by a copy of the parents' Ketuba (Orthodox Jewish marriage certificate) and the child's full birth certificate.(15)

In areas such as Birmingham, Glasgow and Liverpool where the schools are unable to fill their places entirely with Jewish children, issues of halachah do not apply. The admissions criteria of such schools will, however, give priority to Jewish children over those who are non-Jewish.

In addition to halachic criteria, many (strictly) Orthodox schools also have selection policies specifically based on the family's religious practice. Such schools will typically only admit children whose families are shomer shabbat (follow Orthodox religious laws of the Sabbath).

Admission to the School will be strictly confined to children of parents who are able to demonstrate commitment to Orthodox Jewish traditions and practices. This will be assessed through the application form and interview, where the family's commitment to Orthodox Jewish traditions and practices must be demonstrated by reference to active Synagogue membership, adherence to Jewish religious dietary laws, involvement in Jewish communal life and participation in Jewish adult education.(16)

Many strictly Orthodox schools cater for particular religious 'niche' communities, such as Hasidic groupings of Lubavitch, Satmar or Belz. Hence, while there are a large number of strictly Orthodox schools, many of these will be unsuitable, or at least not ideal, for other sections of this community.

Overall, children from families who are 'legally' practising Orthodox Jews could--in theory at least--be accepted across the full range of Jewish day schools. However, individuals further to the 'left' of the religious spectrum have more limited choices. Nevertheless, even voluntary Jewish schools that do not require pupils to be practising Jews may--as the example of the JFS selection criteria shows--choose to have prior attendance at a Jewish nursery or primary school as a basis for deciding between prospective pupils when the institution is over-subscribed.

Conclusions

There are a series of practical and religious barriers operating within the 'system' of Jewish day school education, in addition to parental decisions about whether individual schools are suitable in regard to the quality and suitability of general and Judaic teaching, ethos and added values (such as provision for children with SEN). Thus, given the often clear boundaries that separate the different types of Jewish day school, it may be more accurate to think in terms of a number of inter-connected Jewish day school systems, rather than a unified, single system.

Overall, it is useful to think of three principal school typologies:

Progressive

The ethos of these schools is in accord with the principles of the Reform, Liberal and Masorti sections of the Jewish community. Entrance criteria are not based on halachah, but pupils' families are expected to demonstrate that their beliefs are in tune with the ethos of the school. Priority for places may be given to those from local Progressive synagogues. Jewish practices, such as the wearing of kippot, are generally encouraged but are not obligatory. Zionism and a 'love of Israel' are central to the ethos of these schools.

Central Orthodox

Children are taught according to a traditional Orthodox ethos, which varies according to the values and backgrounds of pupils' families. Most schools insist on halachic entrance criteria, and others require a demonstration of Orthodox religious practice. Schools may be mixed or single-sex and most are in the state sector. Male pupils are usually expected to wear kippot and tzitsit. Zionism and a 'love of Israel' are key aspects in many of these schools.

Strictly Orthodox

The majority of these schools are private, fee-paying institutions, taking in pupils who are halachically Jewish and who are fully Sabbath-observant. The particular Hasidic or other affiliation of the sponsoring community typically determines the schools' religious and practical ethos. Hence, there are a large number of schools representing particular Hasidic groupings. All have the development of a Torah-inspired way of life as their number one priority. Zionism is not generally an aspect in these schools. Many of these schools are also in financially deprived areas (see Chapter 7).

Notes

1 Commission on Representation of the Interests of the British Jewish Community, A Community of Communities: Report of the Commission (London: Institute for Jewish Policy Research 2000). [back]

2 Miller, Schmool and Lerman.[back]

3 Ibid.[back]

4 Commission on Representation of the Interests of the British Jewish Community.[back]

5 Data supplied by the Board of Deputies of British Jews.[back]

6 Schmool and Cohen; Stephen W. Massil (ed.), The Jewish Year Book 2001 (London: Vallentine Mitchell 2001).[back]

7 Miller, Schmool and Lerman.[back]

8 Data supplied by the Board of Deputies of British Jews.[back]

9 See also Marlena Schmool and Steven Miller, 'Jewish education and identity among London synagogue members', in S. dellaPergola and J. Even (eds), Papers in Jewish Demography 1993 (Jerusalem: Hebrew University, Institute of Contemporary Jewry, 1997).[back]

10 Prospectus for Hasmonean High School.[back]

11 Note also the organization Schools' J-Link (SJL) that--similar to JAMS--runs Jewish school assemblies and classes in non-Jewish secondary schools. It also runs training programmes for non-Jewish teachers who are teaching Judaism.[back]

12 Note that, according to the DfEE, there are 83 Jewish day schools (see Chapter 1).[back]

13 Map drawn from data provided by the Board of Deputies of British Jews, 1999.[back]

14 Prospectus for JFS.[back]

15 Prospectus for the North West London Jewish Day School, 22.[back]

16 Ibid. [back]

« previous section| next section »

The future of Jewish schooling in the United Kingdom: The system(s) and the users of Jewish day school education

Report contents

Profile of the UK Jewish population