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Facing the future: the provision of long-term care facilities for older Jewish people in the United Kingdom 3/
The care system in the United Kingdom: formal provision for
older people The formal care provided to older people by public, voluntary and private sector organizations and agencies across the United
Kingdom has, as Chapter 2 suggested, radically changed in recent years. These upheavals are set to continue and, in
combination with predicted demographic changes, are providing major challenges for social care agencies and organizations.
There are currently some 10.8 million people in the United Kingdom over the age of retirement: 3.9 million men over the age
of 65, and 6.9 million women over the age of 60.(1) The Royal Commission established to examine the funding of long-term
care services estimated that the cost (in 1995) for this industry was £11 billion: £7 billion from the state (NHS and social
services) and £4 billion from older people themselves and their families. The Commission—using a model developed by the
Personal Social Services Research Unit (PSSRU)—estimated that these costs would increase (at 1995–6 prices) to £14.7
billion in 2010, £19.9 billion in 2021, and £45.3 billion in 2051.(2) Almost half of all social services expenditure is on services
to older people, and between 900,000 and 1.2 million people work in the social care industry in England (two-thirds of whom
work in the independent sector, mainly in residential and nursing homes).(3) The formal care of older people is big business.
With the vast sums of money now required to provide the range of social care services for older people, many Jewish
agencies and organizations have become increasingly integrated within the overall UK system. As such, what affects the
United Kingdom as a whole also affects the Jewish community, and so providers need to understand the overall trends,
systems and government policies that are likely to set the scene for how care is delivered and financed over the next decade.
This chapter provides much of this information by detailing the current UK system of formal care provision for older people.
The first part of the chapter examines demographic projections noting, in particular, the rapid increase in the number and
proportion of older people over the next half century. The second part details the different types of care currently provided in
the United Kingdom, setting out the national picture as a basis for comparison with provision that is specifically Jewish (see
Chapter 4). The final part attempts to navigate some of the key New Labour social care legislation and initiatives that are
shaping the future of social care services. This information is complex, but sets the scene for the changes the government is
seeking to make. These changes include the imposition of national minimum standards for residential and nursing homes and
alterations in how long-term care is funded. The government has also expressed interest in 'mainstreaming', i.e. encouraging
the provision of services in general settings rather than by specific religious or ethnic minorities for their own communities. In
combination, all these changes have important long-term implications for Jewish providers. Demographic projections Over the last century, the number of people in the United Kingdom has increased from just under 40 million to around 60 million. However, during this same period the number of people aged 60 or over has grown fourfold, from 2.87 million in 1901 to 12.2 million in 2001. Moreover, the number of people aged 80+ has increased elevenfold so that in 2001 there are almost as many people aged 80+ as there were aged 60+ in 1901 (see Table 3.1). Table 3.1
The changing number of older people in the UK over the last century(4) Population (thousands)
With the increases in population over the last century and the high current annual expenditure on long-term care for older
people—currently representing some 1.6 per cent of gross domestic product (GDP)—the government is unsurprisingly
concerned with establishing likely future demographic trends. In terms of the overall population of the United Kingdom, this
is likely to remain fairly static for the foreseeable future, increasing to 61.77 million in 2011, 63.64 million in 2021, and 64.1
million in 2051. Nevertheless, with rises in standards of living, advances in medical technology and the impact of the increase
in birth rates after the Second World War and during the 1960s and early 1970s (the so-called 'baby-boomer' generations),
the proportion and actual numbers of older people are expected to increase throughout the next sixty years (see Figure 3.1).(5)
Figure 3.1 is drawn by indexing each of the age bands at a figure of 100 for the start year of 1999, so that the percentage
change of each group can be compared. It shows how the numbers of individuals aged 75–9 will increase by a factor of 1.5
from 2001 to 2061; those aged 80–9 will more than double; but the most dramatic increases will be in those aged 90+, whose
number will increase almost fourfold.
Figure 3.1 provides the best estimate to likely future demographic change. However, the relatively long period it covers makes
it highly prone to error. The graph is calculated using known birth rates, and estimating future death rates based on assumptions
about life expectancies for different age groups. It is, however, almost impossible to calculate the likely effects on life
expectancies of events such as future wars and diseases, as well as changes in medical technology and standards of living. Thus, a
more realistic time period for the examination of demographic change is the next ten years. Figure 3.2 shows how numbers of
people aged 75–9 will remain fairly static (or even decrease) over the next ten years; individuals aged 80–4 will increase by up to
30 per cent; those aged 85–9 will decline in number until 2004 before increasing again; and those aged 90+ will increase steadily
until 2006, dipping slightly up to 2009 before increasing rapidly in 2010 and 2011.
An increase in the number of older people in the coming decades does not, of course, inevitably imply that there will be a
corresponding rise in numbers requiring long-term care services.(8) One of the major debates in policy circles relates to changes in
healthy life expectancy, defined as 'the years of life a person may expect to live free of some chronic health condition; or
sometimes a related health state such as institutionalisation; or until the first occurrence of some crucial health event'.(9) For policy
planning purposes, what matters most is the length of time that people are chronically ill (otherwise known as the morbidity rate),
rather than their actual age.
Research from the PSSRU shows how there has been an average increase in life expectancies for men at 65 of 1.7 months
for every year from 1980 to 1998; for women the figure is 1.2 months. For men, the average age by which they can no longer
manage daily tasks on their own (such as bathing or showering, or getting to the toilet) has increased in line with these higher
life expectancies (i.e. by 1.7 months for every year from 1980 to 1998). The age by which they can no longer manage to climb
stairs on their own has increased by 1.5 months per year, to go outdoors unaided by 1.3 months, but the age at which they
identify the onset of a long-standing limiting illness has risen by only 0.4 months. For women, their ability to manage daily
tasks on their own has increased by 1.2 months per year (the same as their increase in life expectancy), to use stairs by 0.6
months and to go outdoors by 0.5 months, while the age at which they are likely to report a long-standing limiting illness has
increased by 0.6 months. These figures suggest that older people are likely to have more years of mild and moderate levels of
disability, i.e. to have a long-standing limiting illness or the inability to go outdoors unaided, than previous generations (who
tended to become ill younger but also died earlier). In terms of severe disabilities (unable to manage daily tasks on their own),
improvements in healthy life expectancies have kept pace with the dramatic increase in life expectancies witnessed over the
past twenty years. Overall, men can expect to live to 74, 16 years of which will be with limiting ill health; women can expect
to live to 80, 20 years of which will be with limiting ill health.(10)
Related to the predicted rise in the number of older people will be a decrease in the proportion of those of working age to the rest
of society. The basic state pension and the state earnings-related pension scheme (SERPS) are both funded through contributions
of the current workforce, rather than from savings throughout the lifetimes of those who are now retired. Thus, a relative decline in
the percentage of working-age people, in conjunction with an increase in the percentage of those above retirement age, has
important implications for the funding of older people's services (see Figure 3.3). The number of people of pensionable age is
estimated to increase from 29 per cent of those of working age in 2001, to 42 per cent in 2061.
Different types of care
For those requiring more formalized types of care, there are several different services provided in a range of care settings
in the public, private and voluntary sectors. The 1999 Royal Commission on Long Term Care identified seven types of
settings for formal care, although categories do overlap (see Table 3.2).
The most important services provided by the organized Jewish community are: domiciliary care, day care centres, sheltered
housing and institutional care, especially residential and nursing care homes, which account for the lion's share of spending
on long-term care for older people in the United Kingdom.
Table 3.2 Care settings for older people(14)
Domiciliary care
Table 3.3 Number of people in the UK receiving domiciliary care(15) Of the approximately £11 billion spent on long-term care in 1995, £2.7 billion went on home care. As outlined in Chapter
2, government policy in recent years has been to keep people within their own homes for as long as possible. This is because
most older people want to remain in their own homes (see Table 3.4), but also because supporting people in their own
residence is generally considered to be more 'cost effective' than placing them in institutional care. The Royal Commission
calculated typical costs per person for home care in 1999 at £6,188 per year (calculated at local authority rates of £8.50 an
hour, 14 hours' help per week). This is approximately a third to a half of the annual cost of residential or nursing homes.(16)
As part of the drive to keep people out of institutional care there are grants available to help older people adapt their own
homes. Under the Housing Grants, Construction and Regeneration Act 1996 older people can apply for a 'disabled facilities
grant' for the installation of minor alterations, such as grab rails in bathrooms, as well as major changes, such as stair lifts or
the construction of a downstairs bathroom. These adaptations can be enormously beneficial in improving the quality of life of
many older people, although there is evidence of very long waiting lists for social service assessments and of reluctance by
authorities to fund expensive changes (see also Chapter 9).(17)
Table 3.4 Preferences for formal and informal care(18) Gross personal income per annum £6,000– £11,999 Day care centres Sheltered housing Table 3.5 Provision of sheltered and very sheltered housing units for older people, England, 1997(23) Recent government advice has not been encouraging with regard to the construction of new sheltered housing, including
very sheltered housing. The Housing Corporation—a non-departmental public body that funds and regulates Registered
Social Landlords in England—has declared that new specialist housing schemes for older people will only be approved if
evidence of housing and care needs can be clearly demonstrated. There seems to be a greater desire to remodel existing
schemes, rather than fund new schemes, as is clearly evidenced by the rapid fall in the construction of new dwellings for older
people from 1989 to 1997 (see Table 3.6).
Table 3.6 Number of new dwellings built for older people, England, 1989–97(24)
There is also evidence of the problem of obsolescent housing stock: properties that are difficult to let because, for
example, they are studio apartments when what is needed is multi-bedroom housing. In 1994, 40 per cent of local
authorities and 36 per cent of housing associations characterized between 1 and 9 per cent of their sheltered housing
stock as 'difficult to let'. This problem is particularly acute in certain areas where 8 per cent of local authorities and 13
per cent of housing associations report that over half their stock is 'difficult to let'. There are also similar problems in
letting very sheltered housing stock, with four-fifths of local authorities and housing associations describing between 1
and 9 per cent of their stock as 'difficult to let'.(25) According to the 1998 Audit Commission report,
Home Alone:
The principle of community care makes it harder to justify tying
resources to property rather than people. Sheltered housing must accordingly
re-invent itself as provision for older people who prefer the presence of a
supportive community or it must re-think the levels of need it is able to
support. If it does not it will face serious questions about its relevance
in a system which can deliver high levels of support in ordinary housing.(26)
Housing associations are also faced with government standards and legislation requiring 'best value', with organizations
having to prove the quality of services provided, for example through in-depth tenant satisfaction surveys.
Institutional care Table 3.7 Number of people in the UK receiving long-term institutional care(28) The median average length of stay in a care home is estimated to be 19.6 months: 11.9 months for those originally
admitted to nursing homes, and 26.8 months for residential care.(29) The factors at admission that significantly raise
subsequent mortality rates are (in order of statistical significance): having a malignancy (cancer); having high levels of
disability (low Barthel score); old age; being a man; being admitted from a nursing home; being admitted from a hospital;
having a respiratory illness; and being cognitively impaired.(30)
In response to the recommendations of the Royal Commission, the care home sector is presently undergoing a major
transformation. The overall thrust of the change is to increase the levels of care provided in people's own homes rather than in
residential or nursing homes, to alter the way that private individuals pay for care, and to improve and standardize services in
homes. These changes are part of an overall drive by the government to 'modernize' delivery of social care services. New Labour social care legislation and initiatives In 1998 the government published its White Paper, Modernising Social Services, which, in conjunction with
The NHS Plan
(2000) and the National Service Framework for Older People (2001), sets out to build social services that 'promote people's
independence', 'improve protection of vulnerable people' and 'raise standards'.(31) In particular, the government hopes to
effect change in six areas: assuring standards of care, extending access to services, ensuring fairer funding, developing
services that promote independence, helping older people to stay healthy, and developing more effective links between health
and social services. This section of the report introduces some of the key (primary and secondary) legislation and guidance
initiatives that have been, and are being, introduced by the current New Labour government. In particular, it addresses three
areas of particular relevance to the UK Jewish voluntary sector: funding long-term care, regulations and standards and access
to care and commissioning services.(32)
Funding long-term care The costs of residential and nursing home care are divided between the state and older people themselves, with the relative
amounts each has to pay determined by an assessment of the wealth of the person requiring care. This assessment is
commonly known as the 'means test'. In 1997 just over 70 per cent of all residents in care homes were funded by the public
sector in some way.(33) Following the recommendations of the Royal Commission, the government changed the way that
private individuals pay for long-term care. Prior to April 2001 anyone with capital assets above £16,000 had to pay the full
fees for care in a residential or nursing home.(34) In all other cases, in which people had capital assets of less than £16,000,
individuals were expected to make a financial contribution towards fees. For those with capital between £10,000 and £16,000,
an income of £1 per week for every £250 of capital was assumed, known as the 'tariff income'. Income from retirement
pensions or income support was added to this tariff income, as a contribution towards fees. For those with assets below
£10,000, only income from retirement pensions and income support was paid as a contribution. After the contribution towards
fees, individuals were to be left with at least the amount of their 'personal expenses allowance'—often called 'pocket
money'—which in 1999 was worth £14.45 per week. Following the government's changes, the system has been altered so that
the nursing element of care is now (supposed to be) free and the value of a resident's home is disregarded during the first
three months of care. The upper capital limit for paying full fees has now been raised to £18,500 and the lower capital limit to
£11,500.(35)
The government's changes will improve the financial situation for many older people, although they fall short of the
Commission's main recommendation that all personal care (including social care tasks, such as help with bathing) should be
paid for from general taxation. It is worth noting, however, that in Scotland—which has devolved government—personal care
is now free at the point of demand.
Another key change worth noting that emerges from the government's response to the Royal Commission is that the
Residential Allowance in Income Support is to be transferred directly to local authorities (to be implemented from 2002,
subject to parliamentary approval, for new cases only). The Residential Allowance is a payment to residents on income
support in independent (private or voluntary) sector care homes, which means that a resident in their 80s outside of London
could (in 1999) be entitled to £147.35 per week (almost twice that of a resident in a council home). Residents themselves do
not benefit from this payment—it is counted as income to be contributed towards the payment of fees—with councils simply
recouping the payment via the means test. However, it does encourage councils to use the independent sector for purely
financial reasons, and can tip the balance between placing people in residential care and providing domiciliary care. By
transferring this allowance straight to councils, this incentive for institutional care will be lost, and this may influence the
numbers of individuals that local authorities choose to place into Jewish voluntary (and other independent) sector care homes.
Regulation and standards
Until recently, care homes located in the 150 local authorities and 100 health authorities, which were responsible for
regulating and inspecting their services, were faced with major differences and inconsistencies in the standards they were
expected to meet.(38) In March 2001 the government published the Care Standards Act 2000, which replaces the Registered
Homes Act 1984 and is designed to implement national minimum standards (to apply mostly from 1 April 2002). These
standards apply in seven key areas: choice of home, health and personal care, daily life and social activities, complaints and
protection, environment, staffing, and management and administration. The National Care Standards Commission (NCSC), an
independent non-governmental public body that has the power to determine the registration of services, will regulate these
standards. Accordingly, care homes will be required to provide:
These standards are designed to be minimum requirements for care homes, and indeed many already meet most of them.
Nevertheless, the Care Standards Act 2000 is an attempt to improve standards and even out local variations in quality that
have previously characterized the sector. The problem for many care homes is that, while standards are expected to rise, the
financial support provided for those people who are unable to fund themselves is determined at the local level, with wide
variations and inequalities (see below and Chapter 8). Investment in improving the standards of care homes—either through
building new facilities or updating older ones—is necessarily a drain on communal resources. The fact that paying for these
changes is a drain on organizations' reserve funds is compounded by the associated reduction in investment income, which
forms an important element in charities funding the costs of running day-to-day services.(39)
Access to care and commissioning services Under the current system, central government provides 80 per cent of the funds for local councils to pay for social services,
with monies provided in three main areas: 'older people', 'children' and 'other'. Central government provides funds to each
council according to a Standard Spending Assessment (SSA)—with a cost adjustment to reflect those parts of the country
where costs are higher—designed to determine the extent of local needs. With this pot of money councils are expected to
provide or commission the social care services that they are statutorily required to deliver. However, the funds provided by
central government for each of the three main areas are not 'ring-fenced', so that councils can, if they choose, spend some
funds designed for older people on services for children or other groups. Indeed, the Royal Commission on Long Term Care
calculated that local authorities spend an average of 16 per cent less than the SSA on services for older people, while
spending more on younger disabled people and on children.(40) Moreover, there is currently no framework for councils to
determine the eligibility criteria with regard to who should receive social care services; consequently, there are wide
variations in the practices of different local authorities. To attempt to address these inconsistencies, the Department of Health
has recently published a consultation draft, Fair Access to Care Services (FACS), which, when enacted, will provide guidance
to councils for setting eligibility criteria by which individuals receive (or do not receive) local authority social care support.(41)
FACS is not designed to ensure that all councils operate the same eligibility criteria, but rather that people with similar
circumstances living within the same council area should receive services that achieve 'broadly similar outcomes'. Councils
are required to give priority to those individuals assessed as having greatest need, in terms of threats to their independence.
Nevertheless, councils are entitled to take into account their available resources when setting eligibility criteria, although they
should adopt a low threshold for entitlement. The eligibility criteria should be readily available and accessible to service users
and published in local Better Care, Higher Standards charters.(42)
As part of these reforms, the government is seeking to change the nature of the relationship between councils and
independent care providers. In terms of individuals funded by local authorities living in residential and nursing homes, most
councils negotiate the actual amounts they are willing to pay per week with providers. Most councils in England fund clients
in line with the amounts payable to individuals on 'preserved rights', i.e. those in institutional care before April 1993 who
have centrally fixed rates of income support. As Chapter 8 shows, however, these amounts do not reflect the actual costs of
providing institutional care. Clients entering residential and nursing homes are now much older and frailer than ever before,
and therefore require greater, and thus more expensive, support. Moreover, many local authorities are overly concerned to
reduce costs when they commission services, and thus pay even less than amounts consistent with those on preserved rights.
Councils are required to operate under principles of 'best value', i.e. to commission services that are 'cost effective'.
Unfortunately many councils—arguably due to overall funding shortages from central government (see below)—'bargain
inappropriately', concentrating too much on minimizing costs rather than on the effectiveness of the services they are seeking
to commission or provide.
In an attempt to minimize the threat to the care home industry from limitations in local authority funding, the government
has launched a new agreement between the statutory and independent sectors, Building Capacity and Partnership in Care.(43)
This aims to end the confrontational relationship between these two sectors and instead develop a partnership that places the
needs of users and their carers at the centre of all decisions that are made. The upshot of these changes is that councils can be
much more flexible in terms of the amounts that they pay to independent sector organizations, which should reflect the
assessed needs of the clients they are funding. Of particular relevance to the Jewish community is that, under the Race
Relations (Amendment) Act 2000 (which explicitly includes Jews)—and re-affirmed under the
National Service Framework
for Older People (2001) and The NHS Plan (2000)—provision of culturally appropriate care is 'not just good practice but a
fundamental duty for councils and other statutory bodies'.(44) As such, councils are required to fund services that are culturally
appropriate, and could—in theory at least—be legally challenged if they fail to do so.
In addition to all these changes, three other features of government direction are worth noting. The first is that, in line with
thinking over the past forty years or more, the government is trying to enable people to retain their independence in their own
homes for as long as possible. One of the latest initiatives is to encourage 'intermediate care', a range of care services that aim
to prevent unnecessary hospital admission, provide effective rehabilitation services so that individuals can be discharged from
hospitals early, and avoid premature or unnecessary admission to long-term residential care. Intermediate care services may
include intensive support in people's homes by community nurses or therapy services, community equipment services, support
to carers, and short-term 'step-up' care in residential or other settings. In addition, local councils are being encouraged to help
people retain their independence through a 'promoting independence grant'. There is also the
Supporting People initiative,
designed to help vulnerable people live independently in the community by providing a wide range of housing-related support
services.(45) The implications for the UK Jewish voluntary sector may be a decline in numbers in institutional care, but greater
opportunities for short-term care and the further development of community services.
A second issue of particular relevance to the UK Jewish voluntary sector is government encouragement for the
'mainstreaming' of services. Issues relating to black and ethnic minority communities have been high on the government
agenda, especially since the publication of the Stephen Lawrence inquiry report, with its damning indictment of institutional
racism in the police force.(46) In 1998 the Department of Health and the Social Services Inspectorate (SSI) published
They
Look After Their Own, Don't They?, which examined services for black and other ethnic minority older people.(47) The
Department of Health also has a series of initiatives called Developing Services for Black Older People, which developed
from this publication, and attempts to improve a situation in which many ethnic minority people do not receive culturally
appropriate and accessible social care services from local councils. However, the government's aim is to encourage the
delivery of services to black and ethnic minorities within mainstream provision, rather than in 'segregated' environments.(48)
This may have implications for service provision by the UK Jewish voluntary sector, although what these may be is, as yet,
unclear. In addition, it is also worth noting that, in government discussions about ethnic minorities, the needs of the Jewish
community are often completely ignored. The perception seems to be that the community is wealthy and has well-established
voluntary organizations and, in the words of the SSI report, 'they look after their own'. The implications of such stereotyped
thinking will be discussed in Chapter 9.
The third and final issue to be mentioned is the trend in overall government funding for social care services. Formal care
for older people in the United Kingdom is a multi-billion pound industry, and radical improvements to service delivery may
have considerable cost implications. In its 1998 White Paper on social services, the government promised an extra £3 billion
over the following three years, including £1.3 billion for a Social Services Modernisation Fund. Nevertheless, the recent
inquiry into care and support services by the King's Fund, Future Imperfect?, argued: 'It is apparent that the quality of care
and support services falls far short of what users and carers should be able to expect. While a minority of services may be of a
really poor standard, many are mediocre.'(49) As such, the report's first recommendation was for a massive boost in funding
levels:
We urge the Government to recognise the significant under-investment in care and support services, and to commit itself to
making good the substantial shortfalls that have occurred year on year. We believe that the order of investment required is
likely to be at least the same as that being injected into the NHS, i.e. a growth of approximately half in cash terms, and one-
third in real terms in just five years. Without such investment, care and support services will be struggling to stand still. They
will be unable to address the major improvements needed in quality or to meet the additional requirements on new national
standards.(50) Conclusions In recent years there have been enormous changes in the UK system of social care services for older people. These changes
are set to continue and are driven by a combination of demographic, financial, political and social factors. Demographically,
the number of older people in the United Kingdom is increasing, as indeed is their proportion relative to the (pre-65) working-
age population. Estimating population trends is difficult, but the best estimates are that, while the increase in those aged 75–
89 will peak in the middle of this century, the numbers of those aged 90+ will continue to rise for the foreseeable future.
Moreover, those aged 90+ are the age group most likely to need formal care services.
Most older people will continue to live in their own homes, but for those who do require formal care, this can take place in
a variety of settings, including people's own homes (domiciliary care), day centres, and residential and nursing homes. The
annual costs for long-term care were estimated to be £11 billion in 1995, which could rise (at 1995–6 prices) to almost £20
billion in 2021 and to £45.3 billion in 2051. These spiralling costs have been a major impetus for reform, with the current
New Labour government introducing an array of (often confusing) legislation, guidance and initiatives. The overall direction
of government thinking is, however, to encourage people to remain independent in their own homes, to impose national
standards on care services, and to balance the costs of maintaining (or developing) current provision with people's willingness
to pay for it.
Notes
1 Note that the age of retirement for women will increase to 65 by 2020 (to be phased in over a 10-year period from 2010).
2 Royal Commission on Long Term Care, 8–22. Note that these figures do not include financial estimates for unpaid, voluntary work,
which is a considerable element of the care given to older people. They are also based on assumptions about population growth,
healthy life expectancies, care costs and levels of informal care.
3 Melanie Henwood, Future Imperfect? Report of the King's Fund Care and Support Inquiry (London: King's Fund 2001), 8–9.
4 Anthony Warnes, 'The demography of old age: panic versus reality', in Rosemary Bland (ed.),
Developing Services for Older People
and Their Families (London and Bristol, PA: Jessica Kingsley 1996), 26–42; 2001 figures from United Kingdom Government
Actuary's Department (GAD).
5 See Maria Evandrou (ed.), Baby Boomers: Ageing into the 21st Century (London: Age Concern 1997).
6 Based on figures provided by GAD.
7 Based on figures provided by GAD.
8 For interesting critiques of ideas that older people are a 'demographic time bomb', see Phil Mullan,
The Imaginary Time Bomb: Why
an Ageing Population Is Not a Social Problem (London: I. B. Tauris 2000), and Warnes.
9 Andrew Bebbington and Adelina Comas-Herrera, Healthy Life Expectancy: Trends to 1998, and the Implications for Long Term Care
Costs, PSSRU Discussion Paper 1695 (London School of Economics), December 2000.
10 Bebbington and Comas-Herrera; see also Royal Commission on Long Term
Care. 11 Based on figures provided by GAD. 12 Royal Commission on Long Term Care.
13 See Alison Milne, Eleni Hatzidimitriadou, Christina Chryssanthopoulou
and Tom Owen, Caring in Later Life: Reviewing the Role of Older Carers
(London: Help the Aged 2001). 14 Based on Royal Commission on Long Term Care, 83. 15 Ibid., 9.
16 Ibid., 26.
17 Francis Heywood, Christine Oldman and Robin Means, Housing and Home in Later Life (Buckingham: Open University Press 2002). 18 Julie Curran, 'The evolution of daycare services for people with dementia', in Rosemary Bland (ed.),
Developing Services for Older
People and Their Families (London and Bristol, PA: Jessica Kingsley 1996), 112–28 (112). 19 Table by C. Jarvis, R. Stuchbury and R. Hancock, reproduced in Henwood,
43. This table is based on responses given to the following question:
'Imagine that some time in the future you could no longer manage on your own
and needed help with daily tasks such as getting up, going to bed, feeding,
washing or dressing, or going to the toilet. How would you like to be looked
after?' 20 S. Tester, quoted in ibid., 112. 21 S. Tester in 1989, quoted in ibid., 114. 22 Royal Commission on Long Term Care, Research Volume 2, 71. 23 Ibid., Research Volume 2, 69. Note that no distinction is made in figures for sheltered and very sheltered housing in the private sector.
24 Ibid., Research Volume 2, 70. 25 Ibid., Research Volume 2, 67–8. 26 Audit Commission, Home Alone: The Role of Housing in Community Care
(London: Audit Commission Publications 1998), 28. 27 Royal Commission on Long Term Care.
28 Ibid., 9 and Research Volume 1, 14.
29 Because some residents will live for a long time, the mean average length of survival is much greater than the median, and is estimated
at 29.7 months. Figures based on a longitudinal survey by the PSSRU of 2,629 care home admissions in 1995: Andrew Bebbington,
Robin Darton, Royston Bartholomew and Ann Netten, Survey of Admissions to Residential and Nursing Home Care: Final Report of
the 42 Month Follow Up, PSSRU Discussion Paper 1675 (London School of
Economics), August 2000. 30 Ibid., viii. 31 Department of Health, Modernising Social Services: Promoting Independence, Improving Protection, Raising Standards, Cm 4169
(London: Stationery Office 1998); Department of Health, National Service Framework; Department of Health,
The NHS Plan.
32 Note that most of the legislation and initiatives discussed in this section relate only to England—Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland
have separate legislation—where, in any case, the vast majority of Jews in the United Kingdom live.
33 Office of Fair Trading, Older People as Consumers in Care Homes (London: Office of Fair Trading 1998). 34 Assets generally include the value of older people's homes, although not if it is occupied by their spouse, partner or other specified
relatives.
35 Department of Health, The NHS Plan: The Government's Response to the Royal Commission on Long Term Care, Cm 4818-II
(London: Stationery Office 2000); see also Department of Health, Moving into a Care Home: Things You Need to Know
(London: Department of Health Publications 1996). 36 See Oliver Valins, Barry Kosmin and Jacqueline Goldberg,
The Future of Jewish Schooling in the United Kingdom: A Strategic
Assessment of a Faith-based Provision of Primary and Secondary School Education
(London: Institute for Jewish Policy Research
2001). 37 Department of Health, Domiciliary Care: National Minimum Standards
Regulations. Consultation Document (London: Department of Health
Publications 2001). 38 Department of Health, Fit for the Future? National Required
Standards for Residential and Nursing Homes for Older People (London:
Department of Health Publications 1999). 39 See Halfpenny and Reid. 40 Royal Commission on Long Term Care, 37.
41 Department of Health, Fair Access to Care Services: Policy Guidance, Consultation Draft (London: Department of Health Publications
2001). 42 Department of Health/Department of the Environment, Transport and the
Regions. 43 Department of Health, Building Capacity and Partnership in Care: An
Agreement between the Statutory and the Independent Social Care, Health Care
and Housing Sectors (London: Department of Health Publications 2001). 44 Lydia Yee and Barry Mussenden, From Lip Service to Real Service: The Report of the First Phase of a Project to Assist Councils with
Social Services Responsibilities to Develop Services for Black Older People (London: Department of Health Publications 2001), 21. 45 See Department of Health, National Service Framework, and Department of the Environment, Transport and the Regions. 46 William Macpherson, The Stephen Lawrence Inquiry: Report of an Inquiry by Sir William Macpherson of Cluny
(London: Stationery Office 1999). 47 Social Services Inspectorate, They Look After Their Own, Don't
They? (London: Department of Health Publications 1998). 48 See Yee and Mussenden.
49 Henwood, 138. 50 Ibid., 140.
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